Laureate of the St. Adalbert Award (Pretium Sancti Adalberti)
for the exceptional contribution of Central European co-operation for 2025 is

RYSZARD LEGUTKO

Philosopher and politician, professor of humanities, publicist, expert and commentator on the philosophical work of Plato, former Minister of National Education of Poland, former MEP.

The award ceremony on Friday October 25, 2025 evening was chaired
by J. E. Mans. ThLic. Ing. Zdenek Wasserbauer, Th.D., Ordaining Bishop of Prague.
The laureate for 2025 then presented his keynote address.

ABOUT THE LAUREATE

Ryszard Legutko

LAUREATE SPEECH

RYSZARD LEGUTKO: 
THE SOURCE OF EUROPEAN CULTURE STILL SPRINGS HERE IN CENTRAL EUROPE

Your Eminence, Honourable Jury, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me begin, as is proper on such occasions, by thanking the Honourable Members of the Jury. I am grateful for the recognition of my work, and also humbled, particularly by the award's patron. A saint, a martyr, a friend of the greats of that world, and at the same time an ordinary monk, a man of great nobility and unparalleled spirituality, a man of courage and wisdom, and a person who must awe anyone with whom his name is associated, no matter how remotely. This makes my thanks all the more fervent.

We think of Saint Adalbert not only in the context of the beginning of Christianity in this part of Europe, but also of his mission of perpetuating Christianity there. His activity marked the beginning of our entry into Roman civilization. Without Christianity, this entry would have been impossible. This we all know. We also know that due to these and other circumstances, we became the eastern flank of the West, with all its good and bad consequences. The good consequences are that throughout the turbulent centuries, we have managed to retain a relatively strong sense of identity, both local and national.

But some consequences are not so rewarding. Being at Europe's peripheries, we suffered constant wars and innumerable border shifts. Hence, from a political perspective, we were usually a weaker partner, or, as the case might be, a weaker enemy. The only exception was the creation of the powerful Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, which, however, collapsed after less than three centuries, primarily due to the flaws of the political system proving ultimately incapable of maintaining the efficiency, cohesion, and security of this vast territory. After its fall, this part of Europe lost its sovereignty and was divided between Russia, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Prussia, which later turned into a German state.

Those who appreciate historical parallels – bearing in mind all the limitations inherent in such an operation – can discern such a parallel between the period when, in the epoch of Saint Adalbert, we entered the Roman Empire, sometimes called the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation or the First Reich, and our entry into the European Union over a thousand years later. I am not arguing that there is a structural similarity between the First Reich and the European Union. I am rather concerned with our role in it.

When we joined the Holy Roman Empire and the European Union, both were already established realities, each with its own structures, elite, political culture, and mechanisms of power struggles, all shaped by the western part of the European continent. In other words, a thousand years ago, we entered the West as vassals of the empire, and in 2004, as nominally equal, but in reality, perceived by the Western side, and by ourselves, more as apprentices than equal political players. Joining the EU did and still does have a co-opting character: those who qualify for co-optation have to submit and by this act of submission they gain legitimacy, while to those who resist such legitimacy is denied. A thousand years ago, the pursuit of greater independence often took place on the battlefield, and the entire imperial system was relatively decentralized. Today, we are part of a vast bureaucratic-ideological structure which, theoretically, should stick to the treaties, but which in practice interprets and applies those treaties in a rather cavalier fashion.

Co-optation always entails the weakening of the political aspirations of the co-optees. The natural attitude of a co-optee would be to act not independently but through and with the blessing of a benevolent protector who secures for its protégés a better position and greater profits. But then, regardless of those profits and benefits, whoever agrees to the role of the vassal is bound to lose, sooner or later, the spirit of self-directedness. This is a self-perpetuating mechanism. By recognizing that we cannot cope on our own, we condemn ourselves to the protection of a stronger power, thus confirming the belief that we truly cannot cope on our own.

I will not go into detail about how this attitude played out in individual countries in the region over the last decades. As a long-time Member of the European Parliament, and therefore a close observer of European political culture, I can say without hesitation that this lower status of our part of Europe, albeit cloaked in profuse egalitarian rhetoric, is obvious to West European politicians. To put it differently: the EU game is not a fair game, and while all players are equal, some are conspicuously more equal than others, to paraphrase a well-known quotation.

The upshot of it is that, politically speaking, Europe in our region has failed to organize itself effectively enough to play the role it can play given its economic and cultural potential. This is due to several reasons, including the fact that a large portion of our elites prefer having tributary status in relation to a strong protector rather than striving for a largely sovereign course determined by our interests. Are we then forever doomed to be junior partners in the political games? No, I think we are not. I strongly believe that the opportunity to become an equal partner with the West still exists, and it is up to our political and intellectual elites to make the appropriate efforts in this direction.

There are, of course, various arguments to the effect that we need to integrate around the existing framework rather than seek new solutions. But in my opinion, this is precisely the time when change can be achieved. Above all, the rule of the EU elite has led to the marginalization of Europe. Suffice it to say that Europe's place in the world, economically, technologically, and in every other respect, is inferior to that of 20 years ago. The system that has been created lacks any mechanisms for control or correction, so despite its failures, the authorities continue a harmful strategy that can be summarized in a simple phrase: more of the same. The elites have petrified the system and their hold on it. But this cannot last forever. The voters are slowly losing patience and beginning to demand a replacement of the elites that have governed Europe for many years. And I submit we should be part of that change. This is our chance to make a difference.

Let us also remember that paradoxically, the Eastern part of Europe is mentally closer to the good Western tradition than Western Europe today. This has happened for many reasons, the main one being that, symbolically, since 1968 and for several decades, Western Europe has been in the hands of the broadly defined left. It was the left that won the 1968 revolution and took over the institutions. In our part of Europe, no such revolution occurred, partly as an unintended consequence of communism, or rather as a reaction against communism, a reaction that sprang from our attachment to European culture.

The Western left that started cleansing European culture in 1968 continues to do the cleansing today, allegedly fighting discrimination, racism, fascism, xenophobia, binarism, homophobia, Eurocentrism, misogyny, and dozens of other sins and thought crimes invented by today's leftist commissars. Those of us who sought refuge in European culture when the communists tried to cleanse it in the past are less likely to seek salvation in wokeism, cancel culture, and political correctness. I therefore believe that the wellspring of European culture still flows here in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and other countries of the region, and that here we listen to its message with greater attention and respect than our Western partners. In some countries, such as Poland, Christianity still plays a significant role, and Christian religion is, after all, one of the pillars of Western identity.

I won't try to predict the future, because it's both too easy and too difficult. Too easy, because when you predict, there's no way to either verify or falsify what will happen; and too difficult, because without knowing the future parameters, we have little chance of accuracy. However, I know that in the short term, in the foreseeable future, our part of the continent has a great opportunity to strengthen its position in Europe and repair the faltering structure of European institutions. This I know, but what I don't know is whether our elites will make the effort and seize this opportunity. I am certain, however, that we have to do everything we can that they will.

Concluding my speech, I would like to thank you once again for the award and for all the kindness and generosity that through this award has been bestowed on me.

TOMÁŠ KULMAN:
INTRODUCTION AND LAUDATIO

Your Excellency, Bishop Wasserbauer,
Your Excellencies, Ambassadors,
Your Highness,
Distinguished members of the diplomatic corps,
Honourable Members of Parliament, Senators,
Ladies and gentlemen, dear guests,

A year has passed since our last meeting, and once again we have the wonderful opportunity to meet – this time at the fourth edition of the international conference organized by our association, Patrimonium Sancti Adalberti.

Four years is not a long time – not even in a human life, let alone in the life of states and nations. Yet even within this relatively short period we can see how exceptional our era is, how many things have changed and are still changing, even though from today's perspective we are not yet able fully to appreciate the significance of all these changes.

The global political situation in recent months has given observers an experience comparable only to a roller-coaster ride. We speak of a turbulent era. Perhaps it is worth clarifying what this term actually means. It is neither coincidence nor chaos; it denotes a deliberate shift from a unipolar model of world governance to a multipolar one. In a unipolar world, the United States acted as the hegemon, while the West – especially the G7 countries – went along with this arrangement. The most important institutions around us, such as the EU and NATO, were instruments of this old model of governance. Now that world governance is changing, it is logical that these institutions must also undergo transformation, which for us represents both a threat and an opportunity.

Our task is to navigate this situation swiftly and deliberately, and to draw from it the greatest possible benefit for our nations. Today, two Europes have become a reality: Western Europe and Central – or Central and South-Eastern – Europe. The former relies on multiculturalism, boundless diversity as an end in itself, the Green Deal and de-industrialisation. Our part of Europe seeks to preserve its cultural code, Christianity and the legacy of antiquity, to safeguard our nations and the traditional family, and to produce and prosper. In other words, Central Europe wishes to follow its own path.

For this path, a plan must be prepared – one that will, among other things, ensure more effective shared economic development. We do not wish to devise new or exotic concepts. Rather, we want to develop and complete the ideas that were present at the birth of the EU but were never fully implemented: a Central Europe of nation-states that jointly pursue what they themselves desire and what is advantageous for them – and that do not, under pressure, act against their own will.

Tomorrow we will discuss some aspects of this cooperation.

Common infrastructure can, in effect, become an instrument of national economic development with strong multiplier effects, enabling the national economy to serve as an alternative to the global liberal economy. The mutual economic self-sufficiency of our states is not only a value in itself; it is also a significant element of security. The development of common infrastructure can begin immediately, within the current EU framework, and should be financed primarily from state budgets, since external financing is always problematic.

Our close cooperation must have a clear institutional framework, especially in the event that the current EU undergoes a forced and destabilizing transformation. We must consider which areas of competence we wish to address jointly in Central Europe. What lessons can be drawn from the current functioning of the EU, oscillating between a confederation and a federation – and how can we minimise any common apparatus so that no 'new bureaucracy' or, if you will, new 'deep state' emerges? These questions must be addressed today, not only when we are already confronted with the reality of institutions transformed by the end of the unipolar world.

No entity, no union of states, can endure without a shared set of values and an ideological foundation that shapes its identity – in other words, without a common doctrine. In our Central European space, a shared identity can be built on jointly held values and unifying historical events, even when interpretations of our national histories sometimes differ. all while respecting the cultural identity of each member. The education system in each country will play a crucial role. It should not only reinforce national cohesion, state security, and economic competitiveness, but also promote knowledge of, and understanding among, our neighbours. An excellent idea, for instance, would be to introduce a second compulsory language, chosen specifically from among the languages of our Central European neighbours.

It seems that the time has come to establish expert groups from each country to develop these core topics into a form that can be used by the political leadership of our nations. This work has already begun, and we believe that this year's expert sections will help to lay the groundwork for additional necessary expert groups.

Parliamentary elections were recently held in the Czech Republic. We hope that the country will once again play a cooperative role both within the V4 framework and in the broader emerging Central European space, which we may provisionally call V12. Above all, we hope for a return to the historically excellent relations with Slovakia, the disruption of which in recent years has been a blemish on Czech foreign policy. It should also be noted that Czech citizens have never harboured any anti-Slovak sentiments – quite the opposite.

Within our association, over the past year, we have continued intensive efforts to establish contacts and partnerships aimed at strengthening cooperation across the broader Central European region. We must not forget that centuries of European prosperity and development – both economic and cultural – arose precisely from the multiplicity of small states, from their collaboration, and from their healthy competition. We are therefore particularly pleased that this year, for the first time, we can welcome our friends from Romania and Greece among us. Welcome to Prague!

Our thousand-year history is – and will continue to be – an inexhaustible source of experience and knowledge, enabling us to anticipate and shape our future. We look to it as a guide for self-governing, confident, proud, and prosperous nation-states that understand that strength lies in cooperation as well as in natural competition.

The motto of last year's conference was that we were 'standing at a crossroads'. Since then, the scene has changed, positions on the global chessboard have shifted, and we believe that Central Europe has now objectively embarked on 'its own path'. The time has come to restore Central Europe and its nation-states to the world map.

ZDENEK WASSERBAUER: 
OPENING PRAYER

Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends,

It is truly a great honour for me to be here among you, even though I am only standing in for His Eminence the Cardinal, who was admitted to hospital. He would very much like to be here with you, but unfortunately that is not possible.

When I was invited a few days ago and it was explained to me what this gathering is about – that it has a close connection with Saint Adalbert and that I could also say a few words about him, since he is certainly a figure who unites the four nations of Central Europe – I must admit that two thoughts came to mind immediately.

The first point is that this year marks a modest anniversary: 1,030 years. In 995 – if I am not mistaken, on St. Wenceslas Day – the Slavník family was massacred at their stronghold in Libice, near Poděbrady. I want to recall this because it was his family: he was born and spent his childhood there before going on to Magdeburg, and it was only because he was in Rome with his brother Radim that the two of them were spared the same fate. These are some of the darker pages of our Czech history, a reminder that we have not always been on good terms with one another here.

Then a second thought came to mind. This year, on Saint Adalbert Day, 23 April, I was invited by the parish priest of a town about 20 kilometres from Prague. Those of you from abroad may not know it, but Czechs know it well. The town is called Neratovice – not particularly beautiful, built during the communist era and deliberately without a church, so that only two small churches stand on its outskirts.

One of those small churches is dedicated to Saint Adalbert. It is particularly interesting and precious because it stands on the spot where, according to tradition, Saint Adalbert once received quite a beating. Some of you may know the story: he had himself ferried across the River Elbe, which flows just below the church, and because he had nothing to pay with, he wanted to reward the boatmen with prayer, preaching, teaching, and spiritual service. But they were not ready for that at all and did not take kindly to it, so they gave him a beating and stole his shoes. A Baroque church was later built there, and in that church a stone is kept as a memorial of that event.

The current parish priest decided to place a statue of Saint Adalbert – long missing – in a niche at the front of the church. This Baroque church, about 360 years old, had left that niche empty ever since it was built. He approached a contemporary artist, who designed the statue in a modern style. You can still tell whom it represents; it is not so modern as to be unrecognisable. It clearly depicts a man captured in mid-step, striding forward, stepping over something, while at the same time raising his hand in blessing. This is very striking, as it is meant to symbolise that Saint Adalbert has moved beyond that painful event – being beaten and treated with hostility – and that he does not wish to remain trapped in it, even blessing those who harmed him.

I find this a beautiful message for all of us. In life, we sometimes encounter people who are malicious or foolish, people who want to hurt us and who in fact do hurt us. Such experiences can completely overwhelm us, and we might brood over them for years, or even for the rest of our lives. Or, with God's help, we can simply step over them and move forward. This, I believe, is Saint Adalbert's beautiful message to us – to all of you who have come to this conference.

And so, through the intercession of Saint Adalbert, I ask you, Almighty God, to bless these people, to bless this conference, and to grant them, in their personal lives, the grace to step over and the strength to overcome all the evil they may encounter. Bless also all the discussions and lectures at this conference, that they may benefit our countries, bring our nations in Europe closer together, serve the cause of peace, and promote the well-being of the people in our lands. I commend all this to you, who live and reign over all things and have created everything. You are great, mighty, and merciful, for ever and ever. Amen.

I wish you all a very pleasant evening.